SOMA 2012 Identity and Connectivity Proceedings of the 16th Symposium on Mediterranean Archaeology, Florence, Italy, 1–3 March 2012 VOLUME I Edited by Luca Bombardieri, Anacleto D’Agostino, Guido Guarducci, Valentina Orsi and Stefano Valentini BAR International Series 2581 (I) 2013 Published by Archaeopress Publishers of Briish Archaeological Reports Gordon House 276 Banbury Road Oxford OX2 7ED England bar@archaeopress.com www.archaeopress.com BAR S2581 (I) SOMA 2012. Idenity and Connecivity: Proceedings of the 16th Symposium on Mediterranean Archaeology, Florence, Italy, 1–3 March 2012. Volume I © Archaeopress and the individual authors 2013 ISBN 978 1 4073 1204 0 (this volume) ISBN 978 1 4073 1205 7 (volume II) ISBN 978 1 4073 1206 4 (set of both volumes) Printed in England by Informaion Press, Oxford All BAR itles are available from: Hadrian Books Ltd 122 Banbury Road Oxford OX2 7BP England www.hadrianbooks.co.uk The current BAR catalogue with details of all itles in print, prices and means of payment is available free from Hadrian Books or may be downloaded from www.archaeopress.com ! A Lion-Headed Shield from Ayanis: An Identifier of the Urartian Culture? Atilla Batmaz (Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Letters, Ege University, Izmir, Turkey) during the same campaign, depicts conical shields with a centrally situated lion-head protome hung on the walls of the temple of Haldi (Figure 1). As the temple of Muṣaṣir was dedicated to Haldi, the chief god of the Urartian Kingdom, lion-headed shields were thought to be unique to Urartu. These two pieces of evidence alone led to the identification of lion-headed shields with Urartian culture. However, the existence of lion-headed shields in Urartu had been disputed until one was found at the Ayanis Fortress in the summer of 1997. No other examples have yet been discovered within area dominated by the Urartian state. Therefore, until the excavations of Ayanis, it had not been possible to put forward any tangible archaeological data to provide a sound basis for discussion. A factor that makes the discussion more complicated is the absence of lionheaded shields in any Urartian depictions for the 250 years. Abstract One of the well-known religious symbols in Urartian culture is the lion-headed shield. It is portrayed in the Khorsabad relief as hung on the walls of the temple built for Haldi, the chief god of Urartu, at Muṣaṣir and is mentioned in Assyrian written documents. Most importantly, an example has been unearthed in archaeological excavations of the Urartian Fortress at Ayanis, demonstrating that lion-headed shields are items found within Urartian culture. There is, however, enough evidence to show that contemporary Neo-Assyrian, NeoHittite and Western cultures such as on Crete had shields with a lion-head protome. Therefore, to comprehend whether this unique artifact found in Ayanis in 1997 was an identifier of Urartian culture, it is necessary to examine it from different aspects. The role played by lionheaded shields and the meaning they assumed in the Urartian religion suggest that these shields should be evaluated in terms of context, technique and style, dating, meaning and function. Assyrian, Shields and Cretan Lion-Headed It is known that depictions of lion-headed shields existed in both Neo-Hittite and Neo-Assyrian art. The lion heads can be seen either on shields hung behind chariots or on the shields that carried by soldiers from the time of Ashurnasirpal II2 (884-859 BC) and Shalmaneser III3 (858-824 BC). Roaring lion heads on shields are seen behind chariots on orthostat reliefs dated to the 9th and 8th centuries BC at Zincirli (Sam’al) (Madhloom 1970; 41, pl. XIV/1) (Figure 2), Carchemish (Maxwell-Hyslop 1959, 65-66; Madhloom 1970, 42, pl. XIV/4, 5) and Sakçagözü (Madhloom 1970, pl. XII/2) in the Neo-Hittite Period. Evidence for the existence of similar shields comes from Crete, Greece and Italy.4 Connections between the lion-headed shields, especially those seen in Crete, and the east have been frequently discussed. One view advocated that some pieces with eastern characteristics were produced by local master craftsmen who copied eastern motifs (Curtis 1994, 1). Against this, a suggestion was put forward that either traveling or immigrant craftsmen played the leading role in the establishment of such an industry and subsequently pioneered the development of local industry.5 Thus, it Keywords Urartu, Ayanis Fortress, Lion-headed shield, Urartian religion, Identity, Cretan shields, Neo-Hittite, Assyria. Introduction Neo-Hittite ∗ The existence of lion-headed shields in Urartu and how much they represent the culture of Urartu has long been the subject of a discussion. The records of the 8th Campaign of Sargon II, the Assyrian king, in 714 BC describe such shields amongst the spoils obtained during the sack of the temple of Haldi in Muṣaṣir/Ardini. In the records of the 8th Campaign, Sargon states that these shields were of gold and weighed 25kg (Mayer 1983, 109). In the same records, it is stated that Sargon also took some 12 silver shields, with their margins decorated with lion heads, as part of the spoils1. A stone relief found at Khorsabad that shows the sack of the temple of Haldi !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! - I would like to thank to Prof A. Çilingiroğlu, director of the Ayanis excavations, for generously sharing the Ayanis excavation archive and his important contributions to this article. My special thanks go to Dr Eleonora Pappalardo from University of Catania, Dr Nezih Aytaçlar and Dr Hüseyin Cevizoğlu from Ege University, Department of Archaeology for sharing their knowledge and ideas on the Cretan lionheaded shields. I also would like to thank Ç. M. Tarhan from Pamukkale University, for sharing his ideas on the technical aspects of lion head from Ayanis Fortress, and I would like to present my gratitude to Prof Geoffrey Summers for English revisions and improvements of the present article. 1 Foster 2005, 810. “…shields of gold which hung right and left in his cella and shone brilliantly, with the heads of snarling lions thrusting out from their centers weighing 5 talents and 12 minas of red gold.” ∗ 2 A wall relief of Nimrud Palace of Assurnasirpal II (Madloom 1970, 55, 56, pl.XXVIII/6.) depicts a soldier bearing shield with a lion head. Another relief of same king from Nimrud (Madloom 1970, pl. XI/2) depicts a lion head hung on the back of a chariot. 3 On Band II of the Balawat Gates of Shalmaneser III, a lion head hung behind the chariot can be observed, (King 1915, Pls. VII-XII; Schachner 2007, 294, upper register, no.38). 4 It was maintained by Maxwell-Hyslop (1956, 150-167) and Barnett (1950, 39) that Etruscan tombs contain Urartian bronzes. It is, however, almost definite that the bronze works, which are alleged to have been found in Etruscan graves in Italy, were not of Urartian origin. 5 Coldstream 1968, 348; Boardman 1988, 58, 60; Burkert 1992, 163, note. 13. It is accepted that especially the lion-headed shields found in 243 ! necropolis of Arkades (also known as Afrati) (Kunze 1931, 14, 28, 40, nos. 11, 56; Boardman 1961, 83 and from Eleutherna (Stampolidis and Karetsou 1998, 255 no. 319; Stampolidis 1998, 181-183, fig. 16.; Pappalardo 2001: tavola VIII/D; Stampolidis and Kotsonas 2006, 347-349, fig. 17.6) (Figure 4) that they were used as lids of cinerary urns in Crete (Figure 5). was agreed that these productions had been produced on the island of Crete by immigrant craftsmen from North Syria. It is significant for our subject that the names of Urartian toreutic workmanship and culture were mentioned among these discussions.6 The absence of such shields from excavation of Neo-Hittite and Assyrian settlements limits the scope of evidence that might allow making analogies based on context and techniques of manufacture. The evidence we have traced is available in the form of archaeological finds only in two regions, namely the Mediterranean and Eastern Anatolia. It is not definitely known whether the life-size shields with a diameter of 0.49-0.70m were also used in battle in addition to being votive offerings. The wall reliefs show that the lion-headed shields used in North Syria were particularly hung behind the chariots in battle. It is understood that the lion-headed shields shown in the Assyrian art were also battle shields. The Cretan shields, however, are rather thin and rarely exceed 1 mm. They do not have grips, although it is considered that holes in the middle of some of them must have been used both for suspension and attachment (Prent 2005, 371). Thus, it was suggested that they had not been used for battle but only as votive offerings7 (Forthingam 1888, 436). A shield of a similar thin size, which was found in Olympia and understood to have been included in the spoils of war on the basis of the inscription written on it, was suggested to have been used as a votive offering after battle (Prent 2005, 371). It is interesting that shields with a lion head protome were uncovered a great distance from Eastern Anatolia, and in different contexts, during excavations in Crete (Kunze 1931, 36-39, 52-68). The best known of these are the 10 or more conical shields with hammered bronze lion-head bosses found in the Idaean cave. The iconography on these shields with mostly carefully engraved and incised decorations provides essential clues, which indicate that they were used for religious purposes (Dawkins, Hawes and Bosanquet 1904/1905, 306; Prent 2005, 369). The size of the cave and the group of votive finds of the Early Iron Age found here constitute the most important evidence for the idea that the cave had been used as an interregional sanctuary by many different societies at least since the Geometric period. In the 8th and 7th centuries BC, votive offerings greatly increased in number and kind (Prent 2005, 314-315). A similar case is also seen in different sanctuaries of the period. However, the Idaean cave is obviously distinguished from the others by the fact that it constituted the richest sanctuary of the island owing to the richness of votive offerings and their being larger in number. These votive finds include lion-headed shields. The best-known example is a conical shield that is called ‘Hunt Shield’. It is 0.83m in diameter (Figure 3). Due to its style and the careful decorations on it, it is accepted that it was made in an Orientalizing style. It is stated that, in addition to Crete, specimens of lionheaded votive shields have been discovered in such distant places as Olympia, Delphi, Miletus and Dodona (Boardman 1961, 138; Boardman 1988, 58) as well as at the sites on the island of Crete (Kunze 1931, 36-39, 5268) such as Syme (Prent 2005, 346, with note 756) and Palaicastro (Kunze 1931, 12-13 no. 8; 15-16 no. 15; 19 no. 29; 22-23 no. 40; 28 no. 59; Benton 1939/40, 53-54 nos. 12-16). It was determined from some specimen from A Lion-Headed Shield from Urartian Fortress at Ayanis In summary, we know of the existence of the shields with a lion’s head projecting out from their center in the Assyrian and Neo-Hittite cultures in the 9th and 8th centuries BC. Furthermore, numerous examples from Crete that were dated mostly to the 8th and 7th centuries BC were also found8. Therefore, we need to answer the question: Were lion-headed shields actually an identifier of the Urartian Culture? It is proper to answer this question by examining the different aspects of the shield found in the Urartian Fortress at Ayanis. Location and Context !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Crete display eastern influence. It was put forward by S. Benton (1938/39, 63) that it would be impossible for the artists in Crete to suddenly begin to produce shields with a lion protome in toreutic art without any precedent tradition. 6 The relationship that has been claimed between Urartu and the west is not confined solely to shields. Views advocating that some Urartian works had been brought to the west from the Urartian country via North Syria were put forward and those routes via which the eastern works had reached the west were drawn. (For the literature and the arguments on the matter see Sevin (1999, 113 ff.). As Muscarella (1978, 66) and Sevin (1999, 118) state, it is actually difficult to say that there is another find characterizing Urartu in the western world except for some cauldron attachments, a horse bell with cuneiform writing found in Samos and a horned male statuette. In other words, despite the availability of productions of Assyrian, Iranian and North Syrian origins among the works found in the west, there are scarcely any works that might be stated to have been of classical Urartian origin. A lion-headed shield has been found in the temple area dedicated to the supreme god Haldi in the Ayanis Fortress (Rusahinili Eiduru-kai) (Çilingiroğlu 2001, 45, 47; Derin and Çilingiroğlu 2001, 162-163, 179 fig. 11, 180 fig. 12; Çilingiroğlu 2005a, 31ff, fig. 11; 2011, 349, 351, 352, 359). The fortress was founded by Rusa, the son of Argishti, (Rusa II) who sat on the Urartian throne in the first half of the 7th century BC. Ayanis was probably established as a cult center on the eastern shore of Lake Van opposite Mount Süphan. Numerous precious finds and many sacrificial weapons such as quivers, helmets, spearheads, swords and bronze shields excavated in the temple courtyard escaped the attention of robbers in !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 7 It is proposed that votives in the Idean cave were hung on the tree and bushes of open-air sanctuaries. See Prent 2005, 155 and note 242. 8 For suggestions of dating of Cretan bronze shields see Kunze 1931, 247; Benton 1938/39, 52ff.; Boardman 1961, 138; Canciani 1970, 198; Coldstream 1977, 288; Boardman 1988, 58, 60; Stampolidis 1998, 181; Pappalardo 2001, 153. 244 ! then the emergence of this type of Urartian shield can be placed in the last quarter of 9th century BC. There is firm evidence indicating that following Urartian kings had been in Muṣaṣir for similar or different purposes. According to the booty list of the 8th campaign, Sargon II seized some presents given by particular Urartian kings to the god Haldi at the Muṣaṣir temple. Taking into considerations the existence of statues presented by Sarduri II (764-734 BC), Argishti (786-764 BC) and of Rusa I (734-714 BC) (LAR II, 173), it can be deduced that these kings had visited to the city and had given presents. Rusa I also emphasizes his religious and administrative activities in Muṣaṣir on the Topzawa stele (CTU I: A 10-5). There is no doubt that Muṣaṣir was of a paramount importance for Urartian kings in terms of politic as well as religious sense, and that the Urartian kings were crowned in this city in the presence of Haldi (Salvini 1982, 219 ff.; Taffet 1999, 373-375). Thus it can be deduced that visiting the city of Muṣaṣir was an Urartian tradition throughout Urartian history. One way or another, there are still question marks over when the shield was produced and placed in Muṣaṣir. antiquity (Çilingiroğlu 2001, 37-66; Derin and Çilingiroğlu 2001, 155-187). Some of these weapons were inscribed and dedicated to the god Haldi by Rusa, the son of Argishti (Salvini: 2001, 275). The locations of the 8 shields unearthed in the temple’s courtyard encourage one think that they were hung either on the temple walls or the upper sections of the pillars surrounding the temple through the use of big nails called sikkatu (Çilingiroğlu 2001, 45, fig. 25; 2005a, 35-36; 2005b, 64; Salvini 2001, 276-277, fig. 3a-b). It will be remembered, this was also the case for the Haldi temple in Muṣaṣir. There is a square core-temple adjacent to the eastern wall of the temple area (Figures 6 and 7). The core-temple with a west-facing entrance has two hearths built against the northern and southern walls. The find spot of the shield with a lion’s head protome in the courtyard of the temple was near the northeast corner of the temple, by the hearth (Çilingiroğlu 2001, 39, 46; 2004, 257ff.; 2005a, 31ff.; 2007, 265ff) (Figures 6 and 8). The position of the shield may indicate that it was once hung on the northern wall of the core-temple. It is noteworthy that a quiver and a bone object, both filled with millet, were found together with the unique shield and that these constitute evidence that helps in understanding the function of the shield. Technique and Style This conical bronze shield has a diameter of 1m and a thickness of 3mm (Figures 8 and 9). It was made by annealing and hammering a single piece of a large sheet bronze, as were other Urartian votive shields.9 Three handles are riveted to the inside of the shield. The decoration comprises three concentric bands of striding animals. The inner and outer bands are filled with lions, the central band with bulls. This scheme is divided into quarters on the vertical and horizontal axes so that each quarter contains three lions, four bulls and five lions in successive bands, all striding towards the vertical axis where the leading animals face one another (Figure 10). Thus while the right half of the shield is a mirror image of the left, the top half depicts all the animals with their feet towards the center but on the lower half their feet are all towards the outer rim. (Figures 10 and 11). These animals were formed by the repoussé technique over which details were engraved with a sharply pointed metal tool. In the center of the shield is a bronze lion head, weighing 5.1kg, made by the hollow casting technique (Figures 12 and 13). Some indications on the head suggest that a technique known as cire perdue also must have been used for the details around the eye orbits and ears (Tarhan 2009, 691-702). The lion is depicted roaring so that its teeth are visible, the open mouth. The mane was elaborately incised in the shape of flames (Figure 14). The lion’s eyes, which were made of black and white stones, were found under the shield. Each eye had been produced individually and placed into the orbits. Considering all of these stylistic details, it is evident that this is a typical and classical Urartian lion head. In many Urartian bronze artifacts, nails, pivots or rivets were used to assemble separate components. A series of partially Dating To determine the date of the first Urartian lion-headed shields is not very easy. Archaeological and epigraphic evidence are not sufficient to ascertain the date, although Ayanis provides concrete archaeological finds that attests their existence in 7th century BC. The inscription on the shield states that the shield was made for the god Haldi in the Ayanis Fortress by Rusa, the son of Argishti (685-653 BC). Hence, the date of the lion-headed shield of Ayanis should be accepted as the middle of the 7th century BC. The Khorsabad relief depicting the lion-headed shields in the Haldi temple in Muṣaṣir is archaeological evidence and is dated back to last quarter of the 8th century BC. As mentioned before, during the sack of the temple in Muṣaṣir, Sargon II reported in his letter to his god Assur that he seized lion headed-shields form the Haldi temple. It is certain that campaign of the Sargon was executed in the 8th year of his reign, that is, in 714 BC. Thus, the existence of the shields should be before this date. An early Urartian inscription on the Kelishin stele set up at a pass through the Zagros Mountains that lie along the border between Iran and Iraq, may cast light on the construction date of Haldi temple at Muṣaṣir, and therefore on the possible date of earliest lion-headed shields. The bilingual inscription (in the Urartian and Assyrian languages), which was written in the period of co-regency of Ishpuini and his successor Menua, has been dated to the years between 820-810 BC. The inscription states that the Urartian king Ishpuini and his son Menua had visited Muṣaṣir and built a temple for the god Haldi. The same inscription also declares that Ishpuini had dedicated splendid weapons in front of the temple. However, a lion-headed shield was not specifically mentioned in the inscription. If one thinks that the lionheaded shield was an item amongst the votive weapons, !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 9 For the manufacturing techniques of Urartian, bronze shields see Ruder and Merhav 1991, 349; Reindell 2001b, 280-283; Belli 2004, 214; Seidl 2004, 84-88; Tarhan 2009. 245 ! preserved rivets and rivet holes along the edge of neck served to attach the protome to the central part of the shield. There is no evidence that welding, soldering or filling material were used during assemblage process (Reindell 2001a, 382). Instead, there were remains of a circular bronze sheet or collar between the shield and the head (Reindell 2001b, 282-283) (Figures 9 and 15). This conical frustum-like connecting piece was riveted to both edges of the lion's neck and the center of the shield and mane motives continued on the surface of this circular part. shield had fallen. It should not be by coincidence that these finds coexist here. In this case, we are confronted with three symbolic finds that might be related to the lion-headed shield: a quiver filled with millet, a bone object filled with millet and a hearth. These finds were related to war (weapon), fertility (seed) and fire (hearth) cults (Çilingiroğlu 2004, 259-261; 2005a, 35-36; 2007, 265-267; Baştürk 2009, 133-149). The extinguishing of the hearth and the related fire that must burn permanently is considered to be a great crime in the inscription on the shield. Although, according to many beliefs, a hearth and fire are perceived as the continuation of life and existence, the closest parallel and contemporary belief is the fire cult in Iran. Fire in the temple may be evaluated in different and subsidiary aspects such as cooking the ritualistic meat or purifying the votive weapons (Baştürk 2009, 138-142). Nevertheless, I will consider it from a single perspective: continuity and permanence. A temple is a state institution and one of the religious elements constituting the state. Therefore, the temple fire is expected to have held a position that concerned the kingdom in general. In that case, a fire in this position may be interpreted as the eternal continuation of the state and of sovereignty. In other words, extinguishing the fire would mean the same as the interruption or termination of power. Meaning and Function It is impossible that the Ayanis shield, which was made rather heavy by the addition of the lion’s head weighing 5kg, was used in battle. Furthermore, its position in the temple clearly demonstrated its religious status. It was used in temple ceremonies and formed part of the temple decoration. The first line of the two-line Urartian incised cuneiform inscription running along the wide rim states that it was dedicated to god Haldi. 1) “To Ḫaldi, (his lord), Rusa the son of Argišti, made and dedicated this shield for his life; he put it in Rusaḫinili Eidurukai. Through the Greatness of Ḫaldi (I am) Rusa the son of Argišti, the mighty king, the great king, the king of the lands, the king of Biainili (Urartu) the strong (?) king, the lord of the city of Ṭušpa. 2) Rusa says: he who takes this shield, he who throws it, he who …s waters, he who …s, he who throws earth on fires and earth, he who effaces my name and put his name, may God Ḫaldi destroy him, his seed and the seed of his seed under the Sun(light).” (Salvini 2001, 271-272). Conclusion Based on the evidence from the Ayanis Fortress, it is certain that the trio of fire, weapon and seed was central to Urartian beliefs. Taking into consideration that lion represents Haldi, it can be assume that this trio was under protection by him. Since this is the first and sole appearance of seed, weapon and fire together, the holistic meaning of this trio is probably not earlier than the reign of Rusa II. It should be remembered that Haldi, the chief god of Urartu, was a god of war and, as reflected in the inscriptions, he led the Urartian army. It should be taken into consideration that the shield was dedicated to Haldi by the Urartian king Rusa, son of Argishti. According to some suggestions the lions in the Urartian iconography may symbolize kingship (Zimansky 2012, 721), king’s dignity and strength of the kingship (Hellwag 2012, 209, 216) in certain circumstances. On the contrary, it is generally accepted that the lions represent the god Haldi himself in the Urartian religion. In my opinion, with all these characteristics, the shield both belongs to god Haldi and represents Haldi. The lion heads of Muṣaṣir are shown roaring and looking forward. The roaring lion head of Ayanis, however, probably looks downwards from the northern wall of the temple where the shield is thought to have been hung, watching the burning fire in the hearth beneath it. The second line of the inscription is a curse against anyone taking the shield, destroying it or effacing the name of Rusa. Most important for our subject is the section that prohibits the throwing of earth onto the burning fire in the hearth. This must refer to the fire burning in the hearth adjacent to the northern wall. It should be remembered that a quiver and a bone object, both filled with millet, were found in the place where the Some 20 shields have been found in the temple area and in the armories of the temple, although only one has a lion protome. That means this religious item was quite valuable and must have been rarely produced. Although Sargon seized heavy weights and various types of lionheaded shields from Muṣaṣir, this amount of treasure need not be surprising since Muṣaṣir was more than a local cult center, perhaps something like Delphi in the western world. The shield is purely Urartian in terms of both shape and stylistic features. It is possible to conclude that lion-headed shields were hung on the temple walls as votive offerings to the god, and that this is a unique element of Urartian culture. In other words, the idea of producing round and conical shields with lion protomes for religious purposes might also have originated in Urartian culture. Such shields, on the other hand, might be one of the sources of inspiration for shield manufacturers of the west. It may thus be thought that the Ayanis lion-headed shield, with its combination of its style, position, meaning and function, identifies and characterizes Urartu. 246 ! Çilingiroğlu, A. 2004. Silah, Tohum, Ateş. In T. Korkut, H. İşkan and G. 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